Process

How AI revised this bill

AI can't solve climate change. Only people can, through democratic power. Used in the open and under their direction, AI can help.

The irony

There is an irony in using AI to write a climate bill. The data centers that run these models draw enormous amounts of electricity, and in the United States more of that new demand is being met by burning gas than by any other source. By Microsoft's own accounting, its emissions in fiscal 2024 were 23.4 percent above its 2020 baseline, and they rose another 25 percent in fiscal 2025, driven by the expansion of its data centers.1 As Kate Aronoff of The New Republic puts it, whatever AI developers claim their technology will eventually do for the climate, "for now—and into the foreseeable future—they are using a lot of gas." AI is part of the problem this bill is written to solve.

AI's boosters promise something bigger: that it will become a genie, close to a god, that makes our hardest problems go away, climate among them. The genie is their own image. Sam Altman, OpenAI's chief executive, describes the marketing challenge for OpenAI and the industry this way: "we need to explain to the world. Number one, we are close to creating a genie that can grant any wish."2 He lists "fixing the climate" among the triumphs he expects, and Google DeepMind has promised that AGI will "supercharge" our ability to tackle climate change.3 Bill Gates told reporters that data centers add only 2 to 2.5 percent to energy demand, and that AI will "certainly" cut emissions by more than that.4 I don't believe it, and neither does the linguist Emily M. Bender, who calls it "utter magical thinking": "We know what we need to do about the climate crisis." It is, she says, "a political problem and a social problem." That promise is likely empty, and it is dangerous even when it is sincere, because it gives everyone a reason to wait. Eric Schmidt, Google's former chief executive, said it out loud: "we're not going to hit the climate goals anyway because we're not organized to do it," and "I'd rather bet on AI solving the problem than constraining it and having the problem."5 As Brian Merchant puts it, it is the kind of promise that "saps the will to act." Every year spent waiting for a machine to save us is another year of extraction.

AI cannot solve climate change. The solutions already exist: the IPCC found that low-cost options are "already available," led by cheap solar, wind and batteries.6 What we lack are laws that take the profit out of extraction. What stands in the way is power, and only people can change that: voters, organizers, workers, and the representatives they elect. Writing about AI, the climate scientist Katharine Hayhoe puts it this way: "Tech companies won't regulate themselves. That role belongs to governments, and governments respond to citizens."7 Michael Mann, another climate scientist, says it plainly: "The obstacle isn't technology." Naomi Klein called waiting for machines to hand us a more palatable answer "not a cure for this crisis" but "one more symptom of it." Democratic power is what changes the rules, and changing the rules is what this crisis requires.

So this is how I used AI, and I think it is the only way we can rely on it to help: as a tool inside a democratic process, never a substitute for one. Even the International Energy Agency says AI "is not a silver bullet and does not remove the need for proactive policy." A person set the goal and made every decision. Everything the AI produced, including the research, the reviews, the competing drafts and the arguments between them, is published so anyone can check it. Kate Crawford, who maps AI's costs to the planet, says the conversation we need to have about it is "fundamentally a democratic one." And what came out is not a solution. It is a bill, a proposal for the people's representatives to debate, amend, and vote on. Bruce Schneier and Nathan Sanders, writing on AI and democracy, warn that AI magnifies whatever power wields it; that is why the power here stays with people.

How the bill was revised

  1. 01

    The 2021 draft, remade in LaTeX

    The starting point was the bill Russ wrote in 2020 as the ELBA Act of 2021, a Word document. It was retyped as LaTeX so that every later change could be tracked line by line in git, and so the drafts could be compared word for word.

    The author decidedKeep the 2021 bill's purpose — end the extraction of fossil fuels on a statutory schedule — as the fixed goal of every revision.

  2. 02

    Research: the science and the 2026 elections

    AI research agents gathered the current IPCC numbers (warming to date, the remaining carbon budget, production gaps), the results of the November 2026 elections, the likely sponsors in the 120th Congress, and a close reading of H.R. 7960, the windfall profits bill already in the House.

    The author decidedSet eight fixed decisions before any drafting: the dates, a placeholder sponsor, exports controlled by a no-fee quota, the tax base, refined products excluded, the household protections, the tone, and the legal fallbacks.

  3. 03

    Seven expert-style impact reviews

    Seven reviewers, each prompted to think like a specialist, read the 2021 bill against the research: climate science, budget and revenue, legal durability, policy design, domestic energy, global energy markets, and politics. They found real defects, such as a tax base a court could call a penalty and a near-total rate that could not be scored.

    The author decidedTake the reviews as evidence, not as instructions. Nothing in them changed the bill until the author accepted it.

  4. 04

    Three competing drafts

    Three drafting agents each rewrote the whole bill from a different priority: a science draft built around a carbon-budget trajectory, an environmental-justice draft built around households, workers and fenceline communities, and a pragmatic draft built to pass. Each came with a memo defending its choices.

    The author decidedHold every draft to the same eight decisions, so the drafts differed where the author had left room and nowhere else.

  5. 05

    A structured debate and a decision matrix

    Each draft's advocate attacked the other two in a first round and answered in a second. A moderator then laid every open choice out in a matrix — the options, their pros and cons, who bears the result — with a recommendation for each. By the end of the second round the advocates had settled ten points between them and left six open.

    The author decidedRule on what was still disputed. Where the evidence pushed against the author's own intent — taxing companies' whole income — the synthesis kept it only as a narrow tier for companies that break the law's schedule, and flagged it for counsel.

  6. 06

    The synthesis draft

    A final drafting pass built one bill from the matrix: the justice draft as the chassis, the science draft's trajectory and carbon accounting, and the pragmatic draft's two-title split for budget reconciliation. Its memo maps every section to the draft it came from and lists what must be verified before filing.

    The author decidedRead and approve the result. Choices the agents could not make — such as whether the dividend may be garnished for child support — were flagged and left to the author.

What this does not prove

  • The numbers are unscored. No figure in the bill or on this site has been scored by the Joint Committee on Taxation or the Congressional Budget Office. Revenue, dividend and emissions estimates are the drafters' own arithmetic.
  • The citations need verifying. Statutory cross-references, tariff headings and code sections were checked against the drafters' sources, not against the current U.S. Code. The synthesis memo lists the ones still open.
  • Section numbers need the Office of the Legislative Counsel. Whether a new Internal Revenue Code section number is free, and how amendments are inserted, is Legislative Counsel's work, and it has not been done.
  • AI can be confidently wrong. Every step above was checked by a person, but a bill is only as good as the review it gets in committee. That is the point of introducing it.

The point

A private citizen working with AI tools produced, in days, a bill that has been researched, reviewed from seven directions, argued over, and rebuilt — work that would once have taken a staff and a season. That does not make the bill right. It means the slow part is no longer the drafting.

The technology to end fossil fuel extraction exists and is cheap. The legislative text can now be drafted quickly. What is missing is the political will to pass it.

Every artifact described here — the research notes, the seven reviews, the three drafts and memos, the debate rounds, the decision matrix, and the synthesis memo — is in the bill's source repository.

Source (git)

git clone https://git.fugl.dev/russ/climate.git

The LaTeX sources, research notes, reviews and debate behind the bill.